The Un-Private House   Essay

The Presence of the Public
The literary critic Walter Benjamin came to see the nineteenth-century private house as not only separate from the public world but, more significantly, as a retreat from it. Perhaps for a similar reason, Swedish artist Carl Larsson was moved to devote a series of watercolors (A Home, 1899) to his family home, which he described as the place he "experienced that unspeakably sweet feeling of seclusion from the noise of the world."

At the end of the twentieth century, a new relationship between public and private is emerging-one where the private is engaged with the public through media and technology. In both theory and practice, the ascendency of these digital technologies has become a catalyst for contemporary architectural innovation and experimentation. In Frank Lupo's and Daniel Rowen's Lipschutz/Jones Apartment in New York City, digital screens displaying financial information are visible throughout the loft, alerting the owners to fluctuations in international currency markets. In Jacques Herzog's and Pierre de Meuron's Kramlich Residence and Media Collection, to be built in Napa Valley, California, the interior partitions of the house are screens onto which the owners' collection of video art is projected. Earlier in this century, the philosopher Martin Heidegger expressed concerns about the effects of the media in our lives, warning against what he called "distancelessness" (in "The Thing"; 1954). His unease about this condition, however, has been replaced today by a common awareness of the distinction between the real and the virtual and an acceptance of both states.

Privacy
Privacy has always been related to political considerations and individual rights, but of late these issues involve not only physical privacy, but the increased presence of electronic media in people's homes and daily lives as well. Writing recently, with considerable alarm, on the proliferation of electronic media, the New York Times columnist William Sa?re said: "Your right to privacy has been stripped away. You cannot walk into your bank, or apply for a job, or access your personal computer, without undergoing the scrutiny of strangers. . . . Isn't it time to reverse that terrible trend toward national nakedness before it replaces privacy as an American value?"

In contrast, Bernard Tschumi displays a nonchalance about the literal and virtual permeability of his unbuilt Hague Villa. Referring to its most transparent parts' orientation toward a public boundary of the site, the architect remarked: "The house is to be seen as an extension of city events and a momentary pause in the digital transfer of information. The borders of the living room and work space, devoid of the camouflage of ornament, expand beyond the property lines just as they [the property lines] are undermined by the electronic devices of everyday use." Another example of a transparent house within a dense urban landscape is Shigeru Ban's Curtain Wall House in Tokyo, which erodes the border between public and private in a notable and even startling way. The outer skin of the house is comprised of two elements: transparent glass panels and fabric curtains the size of boating sails. Both glass and fabric can be drawn back to open up the interior to the surrounding neighborhood. The result is a "nakedness" that even those who live in glass houses might find surprising.

The Family
Radical changes in the concept of privacy are paralleled both in terms of scope and pace by the transformation of the family and family life since World War II. Today people who live alone or with one other person are the general public in many parts of the industrialized world. For example, around a quarter of American households now consist of one person. Half of the families in America consist of couples without any children living under the same roof.

There are very different spatial requirements for a couple with children compared to those of a couple (or a single person) without children. Without the need for acoustic and visual privacy, as one would have with children in the house, the traditional upstairs/downstairs separation of the private and public spaces is less compelling. Instead, the loft model has been deemed to be appropriate; its flexibility and openness are in marked contrast to the structured spaces that typify the traditional family house and reflect domestic rituals revolving around the presence of children. While none of them are literally lofts, Winka Dubbeldam's Millbrook Residence and Frank Lupo's and Daniel Rowen's Lipschutz/Jones Apartment, both designed for young couples without children; Michael Maltzan's Hergott Shepard Residence in Beverly Hills, built for a gay couple without any children, and Francois de Menil's Shorthand House in Houston, built for a divorced woman whose children are now adults, are all good demonstrations of that spatial option.

Domesticity
Of typical representations from the first half of the nineteenth century of German private houses, the historian Alexandra Richie (in Faust's Metropolis: A History of Berlin; 1998) describes how the "the rooms were cosy and homely, with wooden floors and striped silk wallpaper, filled with dainty furniture of lavender and cherrywood. The centre of this world was the family." The comfort of the houses suggested by Richie's words, and the orderliness and functionality that would have maintained them, were not spontaneous inventions of an architect. Rather, they represent highly refined attitudes that could scarcely have developed if it were not for the fact that for over two centuries the intellectual and physical capabilities of bourgeois European women and their later middle-class American counterparts had been channeled toward the near-exclusive responsibility of tending their houses and caring for their families.

Clorindo Testa's Ghirardo-Kohen House, a complete reconfiguration of a grand suburban residence north of Buenos Aires, might equally be interpreted as a critique of the cult of domesticity. Built in the 1920s, the original house was designed in a Tudor style, the very image of the house as an institution devoted to tradition and comfort. But Testa's design deconstructs this image, with slashing interventions that slice through the house and open it up and expansions that add to it strange new forms that are as disquieting and inexplicable as the original house's imagery was soothing and familiar. Similarly, Rem Koolhaas's Maison à Bordeaux strikes an unsentimental pose in opposition to traditional expressions of domesticity-"a shelter from shelter," as one architecture critic has called it. This aloofness is, in a sense, a kind of antidomesticity, a highly stylized, constitutional unfamiliarity that is both challenging and liberating.

Work
Reversing a process begun nearly four hundred years ago, the reintroduction of work into the private house now under way is extensive, with some twenty million Americans now using their homes as principal workplaces. How working at home affects house design can be seen on a variety of scales. In one instance, a home office might be a fairly contained space that acts as an appendage or an extension of a remote place of work, such as in the Thomas Hanrahan's and Victoria Meyers's Holley Loft in New York City. In other cases, the home office might be a principal place of work, in which one or more of the occupants spends all of his or her working time, as in Clorindo Testa's Ghirardo-Kohen House in Buenos Aires and Kazuyo Sejima's and Ryue Nishizawa's M House in Tokyo.

In other designs, the presence of work is not limited to a single space, instead merging with the living areas to create a new kind of space, as might be seen in Frank Lupo's and Daniel Rowen's Lipschutz/Jones Apartment. The owners of this loft are both traders on Wall Street, and, in light of the globalization of international markets, their working hours are no longer fixed. Rather, work occurs when market activity occurs. Hence, the home office is in effect a panopticonlike trading room, its flickering digital screens visible from other areas of the loft. Six screens in addition to those in the office display information at close range in various locations: next to the bathroom mirror (so as to be visible when shaving), next to the bed (to be visible upon waking), and so on.



Contents
MoMA

©1999 The Museum of Modern Art, New York